Indo-Pak Trade: Removing the Cobwebs

Majyd Aziz

Liberalization of trade and investment between Pakistan and India is not a new or abstract initiative, but the process is not an easy venture nor should one be naive that there would be a sudden upsurge in trade activities. Businessmen have always asserted that trade and investment should never remain hostage to other contentious issues or even to the usual accusations that emanate out of the hallowed halls of officialdom in Delhi and Islamabad. It is really difficult to make hawks and hardliners comprehend the critical mass that liberalized trade and inflow of investment can provide towards ushering in relative peace and sanity.  Ergo, the hackneyed mantra, that unless contentious issues are addressed, there should be no mega shift in the trade and investment regime.

During one of the Cabinet meetings, some Ministers, representing constituents from rural Pakistan, raised concerns about where the MFN would lead to. At the same time, powerful lobbies from the automotive and pharmaceutical sectors were banging on the doors of Commerce Ministry pleading for a revisit of the impending decision to grant MFN. A concerted protest program was initiated by pseudo-religious elements, mostly those whose bread and butter is dependent upon the funding and facilities provided to them by unscrupulous traders who are active in informal cross-border trade.

Thus, the Sharif government decided to rechristen the MFN nomenclature by terming it as Non-Discriminatory Market Access. As Shakespeare said, “What's in a name? That which we call a rose by any other name would smell as sweet.” The illogicality is that inspite of getting some strength in making the pragmatic decision, inspite of the assurances given by the Commerce Minister at various forums and meetings, and inspite of the avowed commitment of the Sharif government to grant the NDMA on a priority basis, the final decision is still in a limbo.

The apparent reasons floated are that the nation’s establishment has deep reservations as it is advisable to frame trade and investment decisions within the parameters of the composite dialogue process rather than dealing it as a separate subject. This is still a moot point and not entirely maintainable because if there were such profound objections from powers that be, then the whole exercise would have been nipped in the bud. However, due to political exigencies, Sharif has to walk on a thin line and so NDMA or such other issues are consigned to the back porch.

The installation of Narendra Modi and his very bold decision to invite Sharif to his swearing-in ceremony sent a very encouraging message. However, the damper came when the Indian Foreign Secretary and the Pakistani Foreign Advisor came out with conflicting statements about the fifty-minute talks between Modi and Sharif. This further gave impetus to those forces within Pakistan who are inimical towards granting any concessions to India or even liberalizing the visa regime.

Trade and investment is possible in a peaceful and trusted environment. Commerce gets waylaid whenever a hostile situation is omnipresent. The road towards liberalization of trade and investment, especially in the context of the two large SAARC nations, is very torturous and filled with boulders.  Ironically, there is a side road that is more or less well paved for trade movement. This is the avenue of informal trade.

The business leadership of India and Pakistan are on the same page when it comes to formalizing the process of trade and investment liberalization. The politicians and bureaucracy do listen to them and do grasp the imperative need to widen the trade windows. Unfortunately, the business leaders are unable to convince or motivate those elements who do not subscribe to a peace in the sub-continent. There is thus a modicum of distress within the business communities of both the countries, more so in Pakistan. This is the fear of being questioned about patriotism, of being responsible for a deluge of Indian goods in the domestic market, and of not getting equal treatment for their goods or services across the border due to the discriminatory usage of Non-Tariff Trade Barriers that many Pakistani businessmen claim are Pakistan-specific.

Therefore, the advent of a Corporate Prime Minister in New Delhi and the business-oriented thinking of Nawaz Sharif coupled with their commonalities have enforced the hopes and aspirations of the Pakistani businessmen who see a new paradigm in the bilateral relations. They do have their concerns that contentious issues would affect the trade regime in a see-saw mode but then there is always the desire to be optimistic and to sincerely lobby for removal of all cobwebs that are hampering trade and investment.

Pakistani industrialists and businessmen see joint ventures, outsourcing, technology transfers, Indian Special Economic Zones in Pakistan near the border, opening up of Munabao-Khokhrapar route for trade and people-to-people movement, facilitative visa regime, mutual recognition of standards, harmonization of customs regulations and procedures, SAARC regional cumulation, alternate dispute resolution mechanism, cross-border banking facilities, and more importantly, reduction in NTBs. The overall impact would be that trade and investment would be the designated game-changer that should, in the long run, bring about regional economic integration. A receptive Indian market for Pakistani products would be the ideal confidence-building measure that is so essential in thwarting the ulterior designs of hardliners and naysayers.  

There is an inbuilt mindset among many sections of Indian media and armchair analysts that always hype up negativity whenever there is a thaw in the bilateral relations. The same is the case among many of their counterparts in Pakistanis. The difference is that the Indian government-led accusations get global prominence while Pakistan is generally inclined to play on the defensive. This tends to vitiate the tense situation and further compounds it by attracting a rancorous chorus from the belligerent media, fundamentalist provocateurs, militaristic theorists, and parochial politicos. But, should all these become roadblocks in free trade and investment? Obviously, trade would be a catalyst and not relinquishing sovereignty.

The prognosis for the future does look rosy, albeit, it would require a strong determination of the business leadership to ensure that all decisions taken so far to liberalize and facilitate trade and investment are activated and put into effect. The two Corporate Prime Ministers should also think about posterity as they would achieve iconoclastic status if they are able to infuse a new dynamism in Indo-Pak trade and investment process.

The Greek shipping tycoon, Aristotle Onassis, aptly said, and this should be a guiding point for Shri Modi and Janab Sharif, that ”it is during our darkest moments that we must focus to see the light.”

Majyd Aziz quoted in this article in Russia Today (20140612)

Can trade be the game changer in Indo-Pak relations?

 Jhinuk Cchowdhury

The SAARC aspiration for greater economic cooperation has been suffering serious jolts due to the bilateral rivalry between two of its largest nations – India and Pakistan.

Therefore Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s invitation to Nawaz Sharif to his inauguration ceremony, and his acceptance, along with other SAARC leaders coming can be seen as a welcoming gesture for a possible step towards stability in the region.

Many believe the pro-business approach of both Modi and Sharif can make a France-Germany or Brazil-Argentina – each of which share significant trade relations despite a past of political hostilities – possibly by keeping economic ties independent of ‘other’ issues.

As former President of the Karachi Chamber of Commerce and Industry in Pakistan, Majyd Aziz, who has been very emphatic of his views on liberalization of trade and investment within SAARC and primarily between Pakistan and India, says, “I have been very vocal when it comes to trade and investment between both the neighbors. Yes, I do agree that the process is not easy. My assertion has always been that trade and investment should never remain a hostage to other contentious issues or even the usual accusations that emanate out of the hallowed halls of officialdom in New Delhi and Islamabad.”

He adds, “Examples galore among countries where trade and investment have been shielded from getting overpowered by troublesome issues that are the domain of diplomats, military or bureaucracy. China-India, China-Taiwan, China-Japan, China-USA, France-Germany, just to name a few.”

In fact China-India trade is expected to reach $100 billion by 2015, despite both countries being archrivals. Most certainly then Indo-Pak trade which today stands at a mere $3 billion with a possibility of reaching $40 billion is a huge potential that needs to be exploited.

Modi is riding the wave of his success on promises of economic development. For him to come across as a leader committed to greater investment, infrastructure and job creation, Modi needs to have a secure and peaceful region apart from using foreign relations to create more businesses at home. His invitation to SAARC members is probably a sign of his intent to have long term economic alliances in the region.

Sharif seems to share the same sense of economic diplomacy. He is seen as a leader keen on eliminating roadblocks towards trade liberalization and creating friendlier environment for investment.

In fact a few days after the Modi-Sharif meeting, Pakistan’s Commerce Minister Khurram Dastgir Khan told the media that India would be granted Non-Discriminatory Market Access (NDMA earlier Most Favoured Nation – MFN) status despite issues like Kashmir, Siachen, Afghanistan and Sir Creek.

Pakistani diplomats have reportedly been involved in "back channel diplomacy" with the now ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) conveying Islamabad’s willingness for "meaningful engagement".

Will trade and investment then be the necessary game changer to bring about the long awaited and often thwarted peace between India and Pakistan?

“Yes”, says Aziz who feels a receptive Indian market for Pakistani products would be the ideal confidence-building measure. ”The advent of a Corporate Prime Minister in New Delhi and the business-oriented thinking of Nawaz Sharif coupled with their commonalities have enforced the hopes and aspirations of the Pakistani businessmen who see a new paradigm in the bilateral relations and, by extension, in the SAARC intra-trade and investment scenario.”

To echo Aziz’s spirit indeed there are ample business opportunities between the two nations ranging from joint ventures, outsourcing, technology transfers, Indian Special Economic Zones in Pakistan near the border, opening up of the Munabao-Khokhrapar route for trade, and people-to-people movement, a facilitative visa regime, mutual recognition of standards, harmonization of customs regulations and procedures, to an alternate dispute resolution mechanism, and cross-border banking facilities.

Backed by a strong mandate both the leaders seem to be better positioned to make decisions. The strong majority of the Modi government will make policy making and implementation much easier and faster. Similarly the Sharif government also took charge last year in May with a huge majority on its pro-growth agenda.

However, while they both have a majority in their elected governments, the context in both countries are different cautions Michael Kugelman, Senior Program Associate for South and Southeast Asia, at the Woodrow Wilson International Center. “Even though Pakistan’s government was elected on a strong mandate, it is difficult for it to act with carte blanche given the power of the military. By contrast, India’s new government will truly be unencumbered, because there is no larger institutional player behind the scenes that can constrain—or attempt to constrain—its actions and policies.”

Nationalism over economic pragmatism

Kugelman suggests the recent developments be taken with a ‘generous dose of pragmatism’. While Modi’s initial focus will be on economic diplomacy with Pakistan, he feels this will continue only as long as there is no provocation such as a terrorist attack in India traced back to Pakistan.

“And once this provocation occurs, all bets are off and we can expect Modi will revert to his more hardline, security-focused side. After all, while Modi is an economic pragmatist, he is above all a nationalist. And as a nationalist, he will not let his country stand idly by if it is provoked by its long-time nemesis.”

Modi is likely to resort to a muscular foreign policy on the occasion of any border incident. His party has also been very vocal in criticizing inaction from the former government towards an allegedbeheading of Indian soldiers by Pakistani troops last year.

Even during the bilateral meeting after his swearing in, Mr Modi asserted that Pakistan brings those accused of 26/11 attacks and other terrorism in India to task. Even if the Modi government wants to forward an economic diplomacy independent of issues around security pressure will mount from various factions in India to take tough actions.

As Sameer Patil, Associate National Security Fellow at Gateway House, says, “For India, Pakistan’s cooperation in curbing anti-India terrorist activities and the trial of the 26/11 accused are both pre-conditions for any substantive talks.”

“The peace process cannot make any progress if Pakistan allows terrorist groups like Lashkar-e-Tayyaba, Jaish-e-Mohammed and Hizbul Mujahideen to continue their anti-India activities. In such a scenario, there would be immense pressure on the Indian government, from the general population and the security establishment, to not to engage with Pakistan,” Patil continues.

Being part of a right-wing nationalist party, Modi will face pressure from within to make peace and security issues are a prerequisite for any further talks including economic cooperation. Then there are diplomatic factions who have for the past two years rejected bilateral dialogues until the 26/11 attackers are brought to book.

Rajiv Nayan, Senior Research Associate, Institute for Defence Studies &Analysis (IDSA - India), agrees that “even if Modi takes any bold posture, he cannot ignore terror-related cases. In an established democracy like India, where public opinion matters, Modi will not afford to ignore public sentiments regarding its security.”

The hardliners

In Pakistan, despite positive sentiments demonstrated by its political and diplomatic factions over Modi’s election, Sharif faces opposition from hardliners comprising the country’s military establishments and anti-India factions like Jamaat-e-Islami and Lashkar-e-Tayyeba who vociferously opposed Nawaz Sharif’s visit to India.

Though it did not spell out its resistance, according to media reports the recent developments did not go down too well with the Pakistani Army. Many fear this might further widen the rift between Nawaz Sharif and the Army – a relationship already at a standoff over the country’s Geo TV Network's allegation that the Army’s intelligence wing ISI was behind the recent attack on its anchor Hamid Mir. Sharif, who shares good relations with the media group, decided to support Geo TV which has irked the Army. Added to that, there is a bigger difference between the two over possible dialogues with the insurgent Tehreek e Taliban.

As Pakistan based journalist, CT Adviser and an entrepreneur, Ali :* Chishti, says, “Overall feel in Pakistan is negative since there's tension between Military and PML-N government and overall opinion about the situation had been that PML-N is pro-India and has chosen the wrong time to meet Modi.”

Pakistan has always had a faction of the Pakistani security establishment who simply do not want to reconcile with India, says Kugelman. “And in fact, the military as an institution has long justified its powerful role in politics on its contention that India is an existential threat. If there is a peace accord with India, then it would be hard to argue that India continues to be a threat—and it would then also be hard for Pakistan’s military to continue to justify its outsize role in political affairs.”

“As with many other aspects of India-Pakistan relations, Pakistan’s government may be more willing to give more than the Pakistani military is willing to sanction,” he argues. “Many of those responsible for the Mumbai attacks are members of anti-India militant groups with longstanding ties to Pakistan’s ISI. Pakistan’s military won’t be as eager to give up its assets as Pakistan’s government—and India’s government—would like.”

Trust deficit

The trust deficit between the two nations continues to prevent any major breakthrough. While India feels the Pakistani military and Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) is fuelling cross border terrorism, Pakistan accuses India of supporting insurgents in Balochistan.

Says Ismail Dilawar, Acting Bureau Chief, Pakistan Today, “The nature of conflict between the two countries is that of perception in nature and so the trust deficit on two sides goes quite deep. Pakistan like India is coping with the non-state actors militarily as well as judicially. The Mumbai attack and 26/11 are the incidents that happen to seriously challenge the leadership in Islamabad and New Delhi. Both will have to adopt a forward looking approach in the broader interest of their crises-hit peoples.”

Added that there’s a general mistrust in Pakistan about Narendra Modi’s taking charge, who is seen as an ultra-conservative Hindu leader emerging from the RSS. With this in the background long term relations – economic or otherwise – is always a hostage to activities of anti factions.

As Kugelman sums it up, “This is the tragedy of India-Pakistan relations. Regardless of how much progress is made, and regardless of the various diplomatic efforts to inject momentum into a peace process, all it takes is one big terror attack in India, traced back to Pakistan that can squander all of the goodwill. The key is for the two sides to generate sufficient goodwill and trust, so that the bilateral relationship can weather and survive a traumatic act such as a Pakistani-hatched terror attack on Indian soil. “

 

Mobile Banking: The Fingertip Solution

Majyd Aziz

Mobile banking, also referred to as seamless banking or branchless banking, is fast becoming the source of financial empowerment for customers in Pakistan. The game changer has been the blend of universal and affordable availability of cell phones, user-friendly technology and preferential consumer behavior that has enabled people  to make fast track and easy access financial transactions at a lower cost. According to a McKinsey Report, the usage of internet banking has risen over 30% while mobile banking has shot up by 85% across the Asia Pacific region.

Some relevant information about seamless banking in Pakistan:

·    In first quarter of 2014, value of branchless banking transaction was Rs 225 billion while volume was 55 million compared to Rs 52 billion and 12 million in first quarter 2012 respectively

·    In first quarter of 2014, the number of retail agents involved in branchless banking transaction was over 115,000 compared to less than 20,000 in first quarter 2012

·    In first quarter of 2014, the number of accounts involved in branchless banking transaction was over 3 million compared to less than 0.75 million in first quarter 2012

·     Adults with an account at a formal financial institution (percentage-wise) in Pakistan,  India, South Asia and among lower middle income are 7%, 33%, 31% and 26% respectively in rural areas and 15%, 41%, 38% and 34% respectively in urban areas

·     Adults with an account at a formal financial institution (percentage-wise) in Pakistan,  India, South Asia and among lower middle income are 17%, 44%, 41% and 34% respectively among men and 03%, 25%, 25% and 23% respectively among women

Benazir Bhutto Shaheed Youth Development Program is a visionary initiative to impart vocational training and skills development to the underprivileged youth in the province of Sindh. As a Founding Member of BBSYDP, it was my endeavor to introduce transparency in disbursement of stipend payments to the trainees who were based all over the province. Initially, the primarily government-owned bank, National Bank of Pakistan, was requested by me to open individual accounts for trainees without any penalty or surcharge for zero balance. However, with only 180 branches in Sindh and due to lot of bureaucratic paperwork, the facility developed many hitches and created logistical difficulties for the trainees. Moreover, since the training period was only of six-month duration, NBP was reluctant to pragmatically support and continue this service.

Recently, it was decided to consider mobile banking as an alternative. Tameer Microfinance Bank in partnership with Telenor, a mobile service provider, introduced seamless banking in Pakistan in 2005. It brought an innovative service for the unbanked through a product known as “Easypaisa”. Easypaisa does more than 200,000 transactions daily through 32,000 outlets in 700 cities. It claims to move 1% of Pakistan’s GDP and was recognized as the 3^rd Largest Mobile Money Service in the World in 2013. In Pakistan only 15 million people have an account in a formalized financial institution whereas there are 130 million cell phone SIM users in the country.

Easypaisa came up with a solution for BBSYDP to provide stress-free, uncomplicated and fast track accessibility to stipend payments through its retailer network. The Over-the-Counter solution works through the CNIC (Computerized National Identity Card) number of the trainee. The amount would be disbursed at once to all trainees, and withdrawals could be made at any of the State Bank of Pakistan Licensed Easypaisa Agents in Pakistan. At the same time, the MIS Report would be immediately generated for BBSYDP for record and monitoring. The uncollected amount would be returned to BBSYDP within fifteen days. The Agreement also provides a dispute resolution mechanism, full transparency, strong outreach in far-flung and remote areas, and effortless accessibility through licensed Easypaisa agents.

There are 772 training institutes in Sindh that are registered under BBSYDP. The total Easypaisa agents in Sindh are in excess of 8300. As examples, there are 40 institutes in Ghotki while Easypaisa has 152 agents corresponding to 380% coverage. In Umarkot, there are 16 institutes while agents are 148, thus over 925% coverage. Similarly, in Hyderabad and Karachi there are 29 and 105 institutes while Easypaisa agents are 575 and 5036, representing nearly 2000% and 4800% access facility. The example of the Easypaisa-BBSYDP arrangement is given to highlight the growing confidence in mobile banking sector by people who would normally not have an account or are unable to travel to branches or outlets to collect or remit money. 

The favorable attitude towards mobile banking is a manifestation of consumer financial empowerment. The customers are getting hassle-free service and in close proximity to their home or place of work. The guiding line for service providers is, and should be, that customer behavior is re-defining the ways of conventional banking and that customers are less interested in visiting branches and wasting precious time. Ergo, it is imperative for banks to quickly and continuously recognize and respond to rapidly changing customer thinking. Banks also have to strongly focus on customer loyalty like never before since choices for banking transactions are rapidly increasing due to highly-charged, innovative, and enterprising solutions among the banks that are competing for their share of the customer pie. 

The future bodes well even for business-to-business transactions via mobile banking. The high point, of course, would be when mobile banking becomes, in the first phase, a SAARC connectivity rather than just a domestic affair. Global mobile banking transactions would then gradually become an everyday reality.

Majyd Aziz quoted in this article published in BusinessLine (The Hindu - from Chennai, India) 20140526

A new awakening?

Rasheeda Bhagat

 

Having the SAARC leaders at his swearing-in has given Modi a head start with neighbours

As the Narendra Modi government was being sworn in at New Delhi on Monday evening, the excitement had already passed from the BJP’s unbelievable victory to Modi’s masterly move in heralding India as a true SAARC leader and scoring a foreign affairs coup even before his government was in the saddle. This he did through the decision to invite SAARC leaders for his swearing-in. 

That this group had heads of two troublesome neighbours — Pakistan and Sri Lanka — made the exercise even more interesting and exciting. As for a full two days the media speculated on whether Pakistan’s Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif would accept Modi’s invitation or not, these questions appeared ludicrous.

Of course Sharif will come, I told whoever asked me. Why wouldn’t he? After all the Sharif of today is a more pragmatic and sober leader than the leader of the late 1990s, who was so unceremoniously thrown out by a Musharraf coup in 1999. 

Lahore bus journey

Soon after the baton passed from the Vajpayee government to the UPA I in 2004, I heard surprisingly disappointed voices in both Karachi and Lahore. There was almost a dirge being sung in Pakistan on the future of Indo-Pak ties. Prime Minister AB Vajpayee’s bus journey to Lahore might have been reciprocated with a Kargil by the treacherous Pakistani Army, but the flamboyant, poetry-quoting and ever-smiling Indian Prime Minister had stolen the hearts of quite a few Pakistanis. 

“If at all India and Pakistan can move towards lasting peace, it can be only during a BJP prime minister’s reign” is the refrain I’ve heard in Pakistan over the last two decades. Their reasoning is simple: the RSS will never allow a Congress-led regime to shake hands with Pakistan. 

Well, after the nightmare of 26/11 unfolded in Mumbai, there was no way a Congress-led UPA could hold any meaningful dialogue with any Pakistan government. Forget the BJP or the RSS, the fury in this country and its people who had watched on their TV screens that horror unfold over three long days, would allow no dialogue with Pakistan.

A leap of faith

That was the past. Coming to the present, while one mostly heard voices of horror in the Pakistani media over an impending Modi victory during the campaign phase, in Karachi, the trade and industry lobby was actually looking forward to a Modi victory. Well before the results came out, Majyd Aziz, former president of the Karachi Chamber of Commerce and Industry (KCCI), had written: “The buzz in the (Pakistani) bazaars and in various trade organisations is that there would be a shift in the Pakistani-specific thinking from Chief Minister Modi to Prime Minister Modi.” 

He had recalled how a KCCI delegation that had met Modi in December 2011 in Ahmedabad had been assured that the Gujarat chief minister wanted cordial relations with Pakistan. “He had even said he was in favour of relaxing visa norms, particularly for travel to the Ajmer dargah. Advising the power-starved Sindh region to follow the Gujarat model of development in infrastructure, drinking water availability and power generation, he had invited Pakistani industrialists to establish textile units in Gujarat, telling them the state had sufficient power and all facilities would be extended to Pak investors.”

So what expectation does he, as a textile industrialist, have from the Modi government now? “As a Pakistani industrialist who has a zealous preference for liberalisation of trade and investment between the two SAARC members, I think India now has a pragmatic, corporate-minded, focused leader who will not sacrifice the economy at the altar of parochial or dynastic politics.”

High expectations

Aziz is willing to ignore the “rhetorical outbursts regurgitated by hawkish elements within the BJP or its fundamentalist allies”. He believes Modi has a “game plan ready to make India an economic powerhouse; he has understood the dynamics of regional economic integration and this was superbly manifested by his landmark invitation to SAARC leaders to attend his swearing-in ceremony. A small step for diplomacy but a giant leap for SAARC trade/investment process.”

How closely a beleaguered Pakistan is watching the new ministry formation in India can be seen from Aziz, an ethnic Gujarati whose parents had migrated from Kathiawar, cheering well before the actual announcement “Modi’s choice of Arun J and Nirmala S in Finance and Commerce”!

At one level, it is scary to note that expectations from the Modi regime are high not only in India but Pakistan too! This is a far cry from Modi’s “Mian Musharraf” days and a significant example of the huge transformation in the BJP leader and his swift journey from being a divisive and polarising leader to the prime minister of a country as diverse and pluralistic as India. 

By a single stroke and a diplomatic coup in inviting the SAARC leaders, including Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse, sending into a tizzy Tamil Nadu leaders, particularly Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa, who despite her non-NDA status is an ally of sorts, Modi has made a huge symbolic statement. 

One who has travelled in the Indian subcontinent is surely aware how hated India is among its smaller neighbours, including Bangladesh which we had, ironically, “liberated”. All of them call us “big brother”, in other words “big bully”. An Indian Prime Minister who can change that idiom will surely have his name etched memorably in history. Forget India and Indians, Modi, with his overwhelming mandate and such a strong government that is not dependent on any of its allies, has the unique opportunity of taking entire South Asia on the path of development and prosperity even while changing the fortunes of an India that was poised for an economic take-off a few years ago, before it faltered, stumbled and fell off the global radar. 

For almost a decade now Indians have been waiting impatiently for their lives to improve; and what ordinary Indians ask for is not much: a decent education, a decent job, enough food in their homes and the ability to live their lives in dignity, safety and peace. Hopefully in all the pomp and glory and triumph of the colourful swearing-in ceremony, the man who came from a humble background and fought against all odds to reach 7 Race Course Road, will keep his gaze focused on these millions of ordinary Indians even while he ends the policy paralysis that corporate India has been asking for and unshackles the power of a sleeping giant. 

Only then will that giant really awaken. Just like Rabindranath Tagore said: “Where the mind is without fear and the head is held high…into that heaven of freedom my Father, let my country awake.”